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2020年12月26日 星期六

Expensive Property in HK

Martha’s Vineyard has apparently upped its presidential pedigree. Former President Barack Obama and Michelle Obama have purchased a seven-bedroom, nine-bathroom home in Edgartown, Massachusetts, according to reports. The price for the 29-acre estate was $11.75 million, public records show. The property was purchased by a trust represented by attorney Ronald Rappaport, a partner at Reynolds, Rappaport, Kaplan and Hackney, according to records made available Wednesday. The trust is reportedly tied to the Obamas, but Mansion Global could not confirm the connection. Hong Kong's top 10 expensive homes By Time Out Hong KongPosted: Wednesday 25 May 2016 1.The Redhill Peninsula, Tai Tam Asking: $880m (2014) Shot of houses sprawled along Tai Tam coastline Introducing the most expensive house in Hong Kong – and it’s currently on the market. For the outrageous price, you can grab this 3,013sq ft Tai Tam townhouse, complete with its four bedrooms, a powder room, three bathrooms, a maid’s room, a garden, a fitted kitchen, a terrace and, of course, the quintessential car park. 2.10 Skyhigh, Pollock’s Path, The Peak Sold: $800m (2011) Money ain’t a thang, just look at my pinky ring – this is the most expensive residential property ever sold in Hong Kong. Located on Pollock’s Path, a road last year ranked as the most expensive street in the world, the 8,300sq ft house at 10 Skyhigh – a joint venture between film doyen Stephen Chow and Ryoden Development – sold in 2011 to an undisclosed owner for a whopping $800m. 3. 8, 28 Barker Rd, The Peak Sold: $740m (2013) Most pricy investments require the involvement of a bank. But not for Chinese lawyer Raymond Li, the owner of this Peak property, who paid $740 million, mostly in cold, hard cash (in suitcases, we wonder?). At three storeys and 6,863sq ft, it includes five bedrooms, two car parks and a rooftop pool with an outstanding view of Victoria Harbour. It has it in spades over the 6,847sq ft House 7, which wealthy philanthropist Qian Fenglei bought for $690m, with a 1,822sq ft garden to boot. Bargain. 4. 3 Gough Hill Rd, The Peak Sold: $650m (2013) In 2013, this 5,145sq ft villa became the third most expensive home in Hong Kong, after garment exporter Peter Law Kin-sang sold the property for $650 million in what some have called 2013’s most notable deal in the luxury residence market. The price translates to a ridiculous $126,336 per square foot! 5. 8 Pollock’s Path, The Peak Sold: $580m (2011) It’s no wonder European diplomats love The Peak – the temperate region must remind them of their digs back home. This patch of land used to belong to the former French Consulate and commands views over Hong Kong Island and Victoria Harbour. It’s a grade II historic building, measures 11,222sq ft and was sold at an average of $51,684 per square foot. 6. House 3, 28 Barker Rd, The Peak Sold: $538m (2013) Real estate agents know their property – particularly Vivien Chan, the chairwoman of the Estate Agents Authority, who owns this piece of prime real estate on Barker Road. This residence in the seven-storey building measures in at 5,706sq ft and sold for $538m just last year. 7. 11/F, Opus, Stubbs Rd, Mid-Levels Asking: $470m Hong Kong's Top 10 Expensive homes - Shot of Stubbs, Mid Levels This apartment in the famed Frank-Gehry-designed Opus hit headlines last year for the price it couldn’t attract: $470m. If it had sold at this price, it would have made the 5,409sq ft space the most expensive apartment in the city per square foot – a record currently held by, you guessed it, another apartment in Opus, which sold for $455m in 2012. 8. 66/F, 39 Conduit Rd, Mid-Levels Sold: $360m (2011) Hong Kong's Top 10 Expensive homes - View of Central from Conduit Rd, Mid-levels While Conduit Road might only be the second-highest road in Western Mid-Levels, this 66th floor apartment takes you way up into the clouds. In fact, it is the tallest building in the area with glorious views of Victoria Harbour. With 24 units up for sale, the 5,636sq ft Unit A sold the highest for $360.7m back in 2011. 9. Sky House, The Arch, West Kowloon Sold: $226m (2008) Hong Kong's Top 10 Expensive homes - The Arch, Kowloon Hey, it’s Kowloon’s most expensive property! This 5,497sq ft West Kowloon apartment includes the Moon Tower penthouse and the rooftop – essentially, a two-storey pad with a decent view of the moon too. Selling at a mere $41,125 per square foot, it also shows that Kowloon is where the value is at. 10. 51/F, Branksome Crest, Mid-Levels Sold: $203m (2010)

2020年9月6日 星期日

岳少搞一帶一路 公司買英國酒店

自從林建岳於2012年挖來思捷(0330)CFO周福安加盟,麗新就加快涉足內地和英國地產,套用官媒攻擊香港首富的邏輯,少不免要警惕一下,在賺內地錢的同時,「勿讓岳少跑了」;公司自2014年起更頻頻收購倫敦寫字樓物業,物業均位於金融城核心地段黃金地段,緊鄰「重慶李嘉誠」張松橋所持有的利德賀大樓(Leadenhall Building)。

事實上,香港富豪押注英國已成主旋律,去年其他香港富豪也早已密密掃貨,合共至少購下200億元等值物業,例如「大劉」劉鑾雄的華人置業(0127)也在積極拓展海外收入,尤其英國收租業務。

而麗展的倫敦收租生意也愈做愈大,集中投資Leadenhall Street,周福安早前向傳媒透露,會視乎租約於2023年到期及英國脱歐情況,才落實重建計劃。若落實重建,總樓面面積會由目前的30多萬平方呎,增至130萬平方呎,估計現價建築費約4.5億英鎊。

倫敦物業租金回報率較穩定,也是香港人考量投資的重要因素,倫敦住宅租金回報約為3.5%至4.5%,商舖租金回報約4%,金融城寫字樓租金回報約4%,新金融城寫字樓租金收益回報則約5%。相比香港,現時住宅租金回報約1%至1.5%,旺區商舖回報為1%至2%,寫字樓租金回報已跌穿2%。

至於今次收購的「聖安德魯斯費爾蒙酒店(Fairmont St Andrews)」,根據麗新的新聞稿,聖安德魯斯費爾蒙酒店乃佔地520畝之五星級酒店,位於「高爾夫誕生地」,擁有The Kittocks及The Torrance兩座錦標賽高爾夫球場, 周邊環境豪華、優雅,非常合乎岳少識玩識食的品味,又有10間水療房、5間餐館及酒吧、 3000平方米之會議室及賽事場地,以及兩個私人莊園(各擁有4間臥房)外,招呼政商朋友一流。

但諷刺的是,在麗展年薪超過3000萬的林建岳,出名公職多多,其擔任主席的貿發局在9月才主辦「邁向亞洲,首選香港」峰會,自己在3個月後就悄悄用腳投票,加大歐洲投資,似乎就令到大家很尷尬了。

大灣區國舅

http://fb.com/royal.bro.in.law

2020年9月3日 星期四

土瓜灣道



















香港土瓜灣。 2020-03-21 8:17 AM         
         
香港人有多愛香港?過去幾個月來發生的事,已經說明一切。《我香港,我街道》這本書,會讓你也愛上香港,愛她的歷史,她的氣味,她的榮光。——張曼娟

當夜空籠罩我城,皎潔月光沿著彌敦道漫流,流入維多利亞港灣,粼粼照耀海水,每個在天星小輪回望我城的人都不免有個錯覺,是的,香港屬於我。此刻當下,將進入永恆。——胡晴舫

當初發生了什麼事?我來到土瓜灣住的時候,一切已經完成。我說的完成,指的是一條並不長的街道,叫土瓜灣道。它是橫空出世的,從哪裡來,到哪裡去?去的地方很清楚,它一直延伸到啟德機場,然後飛走了。

那麼它的來路呢?原來是從另一條街馬頭圍道長出來的。馬頭圍道的誕生地是紅磡蕪湖街,這條街浩浩湯湯一直走,一直走,走到啟明街竟不見了。忽然,向前一踏步,已經進入了土瓜灣道。兩條街道平行,街道名稱並置,一左一右。

曾有新移民問我的朋友,土瓜灣道一號在哪裡?

答:在馬頭圍道一二七號旁邊。

她以為開玩笑,就帶她去看。啟明街轉角的一家半邊鋪位就是土瓜灣道一號。多年來,店鋪換過許多手,如今是賣蔬菜的攤檔。

土瓜灣道一號的對面,是一個小小的三角形休憩公園,在四條交通要道的中心,車來車往,它兀自悠然安靜,還打理得秩序井然,樹木葱綠,許多印巴家庭的一眾大小常在草地上野餐。

如今,寸草不見,因為地鐵工程的緣故,小公園已成施工堆貨場,用木板團團圍住,圍板上畫了宣傳畫,圍板挺直頂伸出十二棵高大的椰樹。三角花園成倒三角形,底邊已成橫向的浙江街。如果在浙江街朝海的方向走,十分鐘吧,就是海心公園。這公園大得多了,旁邊有球場,裡面有露天的舞台,有亭,樹木茂盛,小山丘上的大石,它自己也一定覺得奇怪,本來是在海心的。

土瓜灣道和馬頭圍道,好像吵過架,一氣之下各走各路,可又尷尬地不能老死不相往來,只好由另一條浙江街疏通。浙江街是兩條街的走廊,角色很吃重,而且,它接下漆咸道北的棒,大車小車,也朝舊啟德機場昂然前進。沿途經過蘋果屋啦、新亞中學啦、自高自大的豪宅啦,等等。

土瓜灣道的門牌號碼也是排列成單數和雙數,啟明街這邊都是單數,由1開始到最後的變電站,一共四六五號。而馬路對街則為雙數,由六○號領頭,因為一至六○號分給了三角小公園。可是到了街尾宋皇臺道,只是一六○號,街號並不平衡,而且相差那麼遠?

我唯有切實去數數,原來落山道和上鄉道之間的一段路,是定安大廈的建築群,整幢樓群都用同一號碼,然後以A、B、C、D分別,一直數到L、M、N、O、P,真是舊區的怪現象。
回到浙江街上。它旁邊是一座工業大廈,也算相貌堂堂,樓下的賽馬會往往擠滿了人,許多人沒有忘記,有一年大廈的平臺忽然倒塌,傷亡慘重。可有什麼辦法呢,生活還不是同樣的過。不過,因此附近的樓房紛紛拆卸了僭建物,招牌、鐵籠、盆栽、曬衣物少了。近年一連串的樓房,都掛出大字樓宇更新大行動的條幅。

從啟明街北行,過了浙江街就是益豐大廈,這地方本來是塘瓷廠和熱水瓶廠,以相關語「一味靠滾」和「認真好膽」著名。如今廠房早已搬走,但大廈其實值得參觀,因為那是已經罕見的「回」字形建築。大廈四周都是窗子,每一戶的大門都朝向中心的院子,四面是四通八達的走廊,每幅牆都與隔鄰共用。

從街外向上望,當然看不出它彷彿北方四合院的格局。
這裡曾有一家電影院。當然,在土瓜灣道,另一類型的樓房也很特別,從街外看,也是家家戶戶的窗子連接一起,但不是「回」字形,而是「非」字形,住戶門口對門口,長廊在樓宇中間,兩邊是住戶,窗子向街。

土瓜灣道的起點在啟明街,看來還算寬闊的街道,冷冷清清,有點落難荒蕪的樣子,可誰見過它昔日的繁華?在蘋果屋的室內街市沒有建成之前,本地的菜市場就在啟明街。當年,真是車水馬龍哪,人禽爭路。那是一地鮮雞鮮鴨的日子。

街道的另一半,也絕不遜色,因為街尾接連榮光街,曾是著名的梅真尼製衣廠,當年可說是無人不識,盛時員工二千多人,老闆Manoj梅真尼是印度人。

喜歡喝茶的人都知道名牌TWGTea,即是梅真尼的家族生意,從製衣變製茶,從香港遷到新加坡。啟明街經歷過熱鬧的歲月。附近又山寨工廠林立,帶旺了這一帶的飲食業,大眾化的粥、粉、麵、飯齊全。其中最受歡迎的,是榮興茶餐室,老闆沖得一手地道的絲襪奶茶。
內地開放後,製衣廠北移,街市搬入落山道,啟明街從此黯淡,據說成為了一條一條劏房街。

土瓜灣道的第一條橫街是啟明街,第二條是鴻福街,街內有一間「土家」,是區內社區團體聚腳之處,都是關心生活,有朝氣的年輕人。因此,有人自稱「土友」。

我呢?我是「土人」,或者「土著」,不是「著名」的「著」,而是「著地」的「著」,張岱在《夜航船》解說過。土瓜灣的「灣」,粵人不照書本上說的,並不唸作「海灣」的「灣」,而是「環繞」的「環」,把陰平灣當陽平環。灣仔、牛池灣才讀「海灣」的「灣」。

第三條街是銀漢街,名字不好記,但總會認得這裡的恆生銀行分行,更有坐滿夏天嘆冷氣打瞌睡的常客天天出席的麥記漢堡飽,或者埋頭馬報,有了研究心得就跑過馬路到對面的馬會報到。

這一連三小街,都是短短的,封閉的,車子開進去,只能兜個小圈,出口仍在土瓜灣道。真正頭尾暢通的是第四條街:落山道。四座結構特別的大廈出現了,占了整整半條路,一至十五樓,由網布包裹起來,像克里斯托的雕塑。

從第五條橫街到第六條,是商業區,各種店鋪如花盛放,而且隨著年代的步伐而變化,鐘錶鋪變了手機店,國貨店變了時裝鋪,皮鞋店改為運動鞋店,木傢俬店改為家居用品、辦公室鋼電腦枱。理髮店不單理髮,還美容。雜貨店成為超市。嬰兒用品變成寵物樂園。

然後是壽司店、許許多多的食肆。但定安大廈的確定安,堅持不變,整段街的樓層也被面膜覆蓋,再揭開,可能又稍稍年輕起來。它是本區的第三種樓房形式,從窗子可以辦別,面街的窗子不是連綿不斷,牆壁之間有了空隙,房間三面有窗。

到了第六條橫街了,那是貴州街。到了這裡,土瓜灣道已過了一半,熱鬧繁華彷彿已開到荼蘼。再向前走,一邊是偉恆昌的建築群,前身是偉崙紗廠,後來和恆生銀行合資,建了三排十五層的樓房,剛做過翻新的工程,果然明淨了許多,水管之類重新裝置,應不用再喝鹽水吧。

由貴州街到另一條橫街,這一段路只有一列連成一體的十幢十五層高的西式樓房,每層各有六或八個單位。有電梯,浴室有浴缸。令人驚訝的是一廳兩房的設計特別,兩房是打通的。若要分隔,不用砌牆,做個大衣櫃不就行了嗎,兩室共用,門扇獨立,一九七八年落成,參觀者無不羨慕。地皮本是偉倫紗廠物業,後來與恆生銀行、大昌建築合資,建成偉景閣、恆景閣、昌景閣,合稱偉恆昌新村。偉倫紗廠的「偉倫」,英文是Wyler,所以偉恆昌新邨的英文名字是「Wyler」。

這三家村共占三條街,即美景街、美光街、偉景街。偉景閣是填海而成的浮城。各大廈底層,除了小商店、涼茶店,還有茶樓,兩家超市隔街對峙,兩間銀行吸納客戶,還有一間郵局,開在恆景閣樓下一條暢通兩街的隧道之中。這一帶,本來清潔寧靜,交通和購物,也算方便,街道種植樹木,當年,一個單位只售十六萬。由於隣近啟德機場,吸引許多空姐租用。

但好景不常,兩間銀行都搬走了,徇眾多次要求,只在翔龍灣商場中各擺了一臺櫃員機。常常喝茶的酒樓,不再接待本地茶客,變了旅行團的飯堂。忽然之間,新村之內出現了三間巧克力店,附近至少還有三、四間,藥鋪、鐘錶店,標明政府註冊、免稅。看來都是集團的連鎖經營。而原有的,小本的,為土人服務的,消失了。每天充滿人潮,逛店的逛店,抽煙的抽煙,小童隨地小便。大人大聲喊叫,留下一地垃圾。海邊的小店,生意差,整個底層變了護老院。牆邊蹲著男女青蛙似的遊客。

偉恆昌在土瓜灣道占了三十個號碼,始於三二九號,終於三六一號的嬰兒用品鋪。這裡已經是土瓜灣道的第七條街,名新碼頭街。的確,在這裡一站,就可以感受到碼頭勁吹的海風,可以看見前往北角的渡海輪。船只往北角,北角來的,卻分別往九龍城和黃埔花園,別上錯。

怎麼稱為九龍城碼頭,而不是土瓜灣碼頭呢?土人都明白,香港分為十八區,土瓜灣只是九龍城大區內的一個小區,其他區員還包括紅磡、何文田、九龍塘。

怎麼還包括無論空間和心理都很遙遠的九龍塘?可見分得並不精確。也許人口不足以獨立成區吧,所以連選舉獨立的區議員也算不上,要歸入海心區。

九龍城和紅磡區內有警署,土瓜灣就沒有。其實,九龍城碼頭本稱龍津渡,遠道而來的船隻,運貨上岸,然後運去九龍城寨。九龍城寨本來也是個神秘的地方,三不管,神祕的面紗除去,成為寨城公園了。

碼頭如今寫著「新渡輪」,在海底隧道建成之前,也曾風光了好一陣子,因為它不單載人,還載汽車,駕車的人在船上泊了車,走下來,歇息一回,吃個簡單的早餐,公仔麵、咖啡,看看報,鬆弛二三十分鐘的神經。

汽車碼頭還留下架空的車道,天橋下是小小的收費停車場。不載車以後,平日坐船過海的人已不多了,每小時兩班,晚上七時停航。水手都日漸老去,這變成式微的行業。碼頭也有碼頭的命運。◇(節錄完)

——節錄自《我香港,我街道》/ 木馬文化出版公司

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2020年8月16日 星期日

习近平强硬政策背后的智囊团

“还得中共去收拾烂摊子”:习近平强硬政策背后的智囊团
 
香港——田飞龙第一次来到香港时,要求自由选举的呼声不断高涨,他说,这个社会似乎体现了他在北京读研究生时所学习的自由政治理念,令他感到同情。
 
然后,当2014年这些呼吁升级为香港各地的抗议活动时,他开始日益赞同中国的警告:自由可能会走得太过火,威胁国家统一。他成了示威活动的强烈批评者,六年后,当中国对这个前英国殖民地实施全面的国家安全法时,他成了这项法案的坚定捍卫者。
 
田飞龙和许多中国学者一样,开始反对曾在中国大学里流行的西方思想,转而宣扬在共产党领导人习近平领导下兴起的自豪的威权世界观。这群中国知识分子是党的拥护者,甚至成为官方顾问,打磨并捍卫党的强硬政策,包括在香港推出的国安法。
 
“我原来弱的时候,我全是接受你的规则。我现在强了,并且我有了自信之后,我为什么不能表达我的规则,我的价值观,我的看法?”37岁的田飞龙在接受采访时解释了中国的这种普遍观点。2014年,作为访问学者的田飞龙在香港目睹了骚乱,他说,当时他“重新思考个人自由跟国家权威之间的关系”。
 
“香港还是中国的香港,”他说。“还得中共去收拾烂摊子。”
 
中国共产党长期以来培养了大批学者来捍卫自己的议程,而这些威权主义思想家的突出特点是,他们毫不掩饰地鼓吹一党专政和坚定自信的主权,并且转而反对他们当中许多人曾经接受的自由主义思想。
 
 
去年,一个学者和专家小组在国务院新闻办公室组织的北京新闻发布会上讨论了香港问题。一代中国学者已经开始反对受西方启发的思想。
 
去年,一个学者和专家小组在国务院新闻办公室组织的北京新闻发布会上讨论了香港问题。中国学者已经开始反对受西方启发的思想。
他们认为中国必须恢复世界强国的地位,甚至成为取代美国的新型良性帝国。他们称赞习近平是一位历史性的领导人,领导中国经历一场重大变革。
 
这些学者有时被称为“国家主义者”,他们当中不少人研究对港政策,那里是中国统治下亲民主人士长期反抗北京的唯一顽固飞地。他们的提议已被纳入中国日益强硬的路线,包括迅速遏制了抗议和政治辩论的安全法。
 
除了郑重其事地引用习近平的讲话,这些学者还借鉴了力主实施严政的中国古代思想家,以及自由主义政治传统的西方批评者。
 
中国最高领导人习近平治下骄傲的威权世界观的崛起,得到学者们的称赞。
中国最高领导人习近平治下骄傲的威权世界观的崛起,得到学者们的称赞。
香港中文大学法学助理教授穆秋瑞(Ryan Mitchell)在最近的一篇论文中说,他们中的许多人在论文中对卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)表示赞同,这位德国法学理论家为1930年代的右翼领导人和新兴的纳粹政权在危机时刻行使极端行政权力提供了理论依据。
 
“他们提供了理由和正当性,”香港大学(University of Hong Kong)法学教授傅华伶在谈到中国新的威权学者时说。“在某种程度上,卡尔·施密特正在这里大行其道。”
 
10年前的中国在思想上更多元,当时田飞龙在一向较为自由的北京大学读研究生。审查比较宽松,大学允许在课堂上谨慎地讨论自由主义思想。
 
包括田飞龙的论文导师张千帆在内的许多学者认为,香港坚实的司法独立性可以激励中国大陆采取类似的举措。“我也是由自由主义学者培养出来的,”田飞龙说。
 
香港中文大学法学助理教授穆秋瑞(Ryan Mitchell)在最近的一篇论文中说,他们中的许多人在论文中对卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)表示赞同,这位德国法学理论家为1930年代的右翼领导人和新兴的纳粹政权在危机时刻行使极端行政权力提供了理论依据。
 
“他们提供了理由和正当性,”香港大学(University of Hong Kong)法学教授傅华伶在谈到中国新的威权学者时说。“在某种程度上,卡尔·施密特正在这里大行其道。”
 
10年前的中国在思想上更多元,当时田飞龙在一向较为自由的北京大学读研究生。审查比较宽松,大学允许在课堂上谨慎地讨论自由主义思想。
 
包括田飞龙的论文导师张千帆在内的许多学者认为,香港坚实的司法独立性可以激励中国大陆采取类似的举措。“我也是由自由主义学者培养出来的,”田飞龙说。
 
教育当局出重金让亲党学者研究如何在香港推行安全法等课题。由于官方收紧限制,曾经支持过不那么正统的中国学者的中外基金会都缩减了规模。
 
促使中国威权主义思想重新抬头的不仅仅是恐惧和职业回报。2007年的全球金融危机,以及美国对新冠病毒大流行的蹩脚应对,都强化了中国的观点——自由民主正在衰落,而中国则蒸蒸日上,完全违背了一党制必将瓦解的预言。
 
“中国其实也在走着其实美国曾经走过的路,抓住机会,外线发展,创造一个新世界,”田飞龙说。“甚至产生一种热望,再过30年我们要超过西方。”
 
中国的威权主义学者提出了彻底同化少数民族的政策。他们为习近平废除主席任期限制辩护,为他无限期执政开辟了道路。他们认为,中国的“法治”与党的领导是分不开的。近来在北京对香港抗议活动的镇压中,他们成为知识分子斗士。
 
“对他们来说,法律成为了一种武器,但法律是服从于政治的,”巴黎法国社会科学高等研究院教授、研究中国中央集权思想家崛起的魏简(Sebastian Veg)说。“我们在中国看到了这种情况,而现在在我看来,这一趋势也来到了香港。”
 
对香港来说,这些学者为北京采取更多中央控制的做法提供了依据。
 
自1997年回归中国后,在界定香港半自治地位的法律框架下,这一地区的许多人以为在未来几十年里,香港基本可以为自己的事务做主。许多人相信,香港的立法者和领导人会负责制定国家安全法,这是该框架的要求。
 
但习近平政府进行了反击,要求发挥更多的影响力。了解习近平的目的和香港法律的威权主义学者就将这些要求提炼成详尽的法律论据。
 
多位北京的法学教授曾为中国政府驻港办公室担任顾问,包括北京大学的强世功和陈端洪。他们都拒绝接受采访。
 
“国家的存在是第一位的,”优先于个人权利,北京大学法学教授陈端洪写道,他曾在中国政府驻港办公室担任顾问。
“国家的存在是第一位的,”优先于个人权利,北京大学法学教授陈端洪写道,他曾在中国政府驻港办公室担任顾问。
“我认为他们不见得就是党的路线的制定者,但他们正在帮忙塑造它,找到聪明的办法,用语言和法律表达党正在努力做的事,”香港中文大学教授穆秋瑞说。“这都是通过立法实现的,所以他们的想法很重要。”
 
强世功被普遍认为参与起草了一份2014年的中国政府文件,该文件称北京对香港拥有“全面管治权”,驳斥了中国不应干涉的观点。他后来表示,界定香港地位的框架是在1980年代制定的,当时中国还很弱小,受外国自由思潮的左右。
 
“他们把香港看作是西方世界的一部分,将西方世界当作整个世界,”强世功最近在谈到香港抗议者时表示。“中国崛起并没有像人们想象的那样吸引香港社会对中央的信任。”
 
在2014年抗议者占领香港街道之后,他和其他学者强调中国有权在香港进行国家安全立法,反对将立法权留给踟蹰不定的香港当局的观点。
 
“国家的存在是第一位的,宪法律必须服务于这个根本目的,”北京大学学者陈端洪在2018年写道,他引用了德国威权主义法学家施密特的理论,证明香港需要推行安全法。
 
“当国家处于极端危险中,即生死存亡之时,”陈端洪写道,领导人可以将平时的宪法律规范暂置一旁,“特别是其中的公民权利条款,而采取一切必要的措施。”
 
根据2018年一份北京大学的报告显示,在中共公开宣布制定安全法计划的一年前,陈端洪就向党的决策者提交了一份关于为香港引入安全法的内部研究报告。
 
自从中国立法机构在6月底通过安全法以来,他、田飞龙和其他在同一阵线的中国学者在许多文章、访谈和新闻发布会中都积极为该法辩护。田飞龙认为,中国知识分子下一步将面对的是不断恶化的中美关系。
 
“包括我们学者,我们也要选边站队,对吧?”他说。“对不起,现在目标不是西化,现在目标是中华民族伟大复兴。”
 

Source  https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20200803/china-hong-kong-national-security-law/
 
 

支持香港新《国家安全法》的中国知识分子田飞龙在北京。他曾在一所传统上较为自由的大学读研究生。
支持香港新《国家安全法》的中国知识分子田飞龙在北京。
他曾在一所传统上较为自由的大学读研究生。

 
 
 (New York Times )

 
 

 

2020年8月15日 星期六

新冠肺炎疫情持续, 香港的经济前景难言乐观

陈茂波:香港短中期内经济难言乐观,未来要“两条腿走路”

新冠肺炎疫情持续已超过半年,对香港经济造成严重干扰与打击。香港特区政府财政司司长陈茂波16日表示,在短中期内香港的经济前景难言乐观,未来要“两条腿走路”,即有效控制疫情和力保经济。
陈茂波16日发表了题为“应对新常态”的网络日志。他提到,香港这次经济衰退的深度和时间超出预期,严重困扰着不同领域的企业和打工者。他形容,打工者的痛感已超越2008年金融海啸的水平,而个别受到最直接冲击的行业,例如餐饮、零售及旅游等服务业,痛感更强。
陈茂波表示,香港疫情出现反复,在短中期内经济前景难言乐观。面对目前困难和不确定的局面,政府需要在财政上审慎行事,在通过财政措施纾缓企业及市民压力时,也须确保财政运用得当,以保障持续有能力应对社会所需,以及维护香港的金融稳定。
至于香港经济何时能重见曙光,陈茂波指出,未来需要靠“两条腿走路”,即有效控制疫情和力保经济。他表示,政府已加强为高风险群组进行检测,下一步希望通过普及社区的自愿检测计划,尽最大可能找出隐性患者,中断潜在的传播链,尽快让市民恢复安全的出行与生活,恢复经济的动力。他强调,只有疫情受控,香港才有条件恢复与内地以及其他地方的往来,经济才能有力地恢复。
北京日报客户端记者注意到,香港特区政府政务司司长张建宗16日也表示,最新数据显示,香港较低技术阶层的失业率升至7.3%,是超过15年以来的最高位。较低教育程度人士的失业情况也较为严峻。面对严峻的失业情况,特区政府通过“防疫抗疫基金”推出“创职位”措施,积极创造约3万个有时限的职位,涵盖拥有不同技能及学历的人士府也会聘请超过1万名公务员,希望能在短期内缓解失业或待业的燃眉之急。
Source: http://www.bjd.com.cn/a/202008/16/WS5f38b38de4b0bde5c60749f7.html

香港之所以能成为璀璨的“东方之珠”,绝非来自他国的“恩赐”。香港有着特殊的历史,百年来,香港始终都是外商进出中国的大门,也是中国走出海外的窗口。香港国际金融、贸易、航运中心的地位,是香港几代人艰苦奋斗的结果,是中国不断深化改革开放、为香港提供最坚实有力支持的结果,岂是来自美国的“恩典”?近日,美国总统特朗普在接受美国媒体采访时扬言,没有美国,香港在中国的领导下“不会成功”。

香港是自由港,是全球自由贸易的典范,优良的营商环境成为吸引国际企业的磁石。如果谈到“贡献”,倒不妨来看看香港对于美国经济的贡献。据统计,在香港有1300多家美国公司,几乎包括所有主要的美国金融企业;有大约8.5万名美国公民在香港生活;
过去十年,美国在香港赚取的贸易顺差是其全球贸易伙伴中最高的,2009至2018年间相关货物贸易顺差的累计总额达2970亿美元。香港也是美国企业与中国内地之间的“超级联系者”,为美国企业拓展中国内地市场创造了巨大便利。不难看出,更便捷地获取真金白银的利益,才是美国特殊对待香港的根本原因。为了伤害香港、进而伤害中国,美国收回所谓优惠政策,只能用“损人更不利己的愚蠢”来形容。
出于对自身衰落、对中国崛起的恐惧,美国还会把“香港牌”继续打下去,在国际上继续强推其反华版本的“香港叙事”。而真正的香江故事,终归是由香港市民来书写的,美国人抢不走定义权。

Source: http://www.bjd.com.cn/a/202008/16/WS5f38a902e4b0bde5c60749eb.html
 

Hong Kong’s exclusive homes

Top leaders of China’s Communist Party have relatives who own assets in Hong Kong;

HONG KONG — Li Qianxin, the elder daughter of the Chinese Communist Party’s No. 3 leader, has quietly crafted a life in Hong Kong that traverses the city’s financial elite and the secretive world of Chinese politics.
 
For years, she has mingled with senior executives of state companies through Hong Kong and mainland professional clubs known for grooming the sons and daughters of officials. She has represented Hong Kong in Chinese provincial political advisory groups. She is the chairwoman of a state-owned investment bank based in Hong Kong that has long done business with the relatives of top Chinese officials.
 
Ms. Li, 38, also has deep financial roots in the city, having bought a $15 million, four-story townhouse perched high above a beach. Her partner owns a now-retired racehorse and spent hundreds of millions on a stake in the storied Peninsula Hotel that he later sold.
 
Ms. Li and other members of the Communist nobility are embedded in the fabric of Hong Kong’s society and financial system, binding the former British colony closer to the mainland. By building alliances and putting their money into Hong Kong’s real estate, China’s top leaders have inextricably linked themselves to the fate of the city.

The law could protect the families of the party’s leaders by stopping the protests that wreaked havoc on the economy, or leave them vulnerable by driving down business confidence in the territory. It could also expose them to sanctions.

Already the law has prompted rebukes from foreign countries that could threaten Hong Kong’s access to the global financial system. The Trump administration imposed sanctions on Friday on Hong Kong’s chief executive, Carrie Lam, and 10 other senior officials in the city and the mainland they accuse of curtailing freedoms in Hong Kong.
 
“Members of the Red aristocracy in China, including the princelings, have made huge investments in Hong Kong,” said Willy Lam, an adjunct professor of China studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. “If Hong Kong suddenly loses its financial status, they cannot park their money here.”

Qi Qiaoqiao, the older sister of Xi Jinping, China’s president, started buying properties in Hong Kong as early as 1991, Hong Kong property records show. Her daughter, Zhang Yannan, owns a villa in Repulse Bay, which she bought in 2009 for $19.3 million, and at least five other apartments, the city’s property and company records indicate.
 
Wang Xisha, a former Deutsche Bank executive who is the daughter of Wang Yang, the No. 4 party leader, bought a $2 million home in Hong Kong in 2010, according to city property records.
The Communist Party has long been secretive about the riches of many of its leaders’ relatives, aware that such an accumulation of wealth could be seen as the elite abusing their privilege for personal gain. In Hong Kong, the party is also mindful that the presence of princelings could further fan resentment of Beijing.
 
Ms. Li, like many relatives of top Chinese officials, keeps a low profile.
In the mainland, there are few mentions of Mr. Li’s family in the party-controlled news media, and searches for his daughter’s name on social media sites yield minimal results. A trip to Nangoucun, his ancestral village in northern Hebei Province, offered little insight about his children.
 
But internal documents from Deutsche Bank obtained by the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung and reviewed by The New York Times late last year referred to a woman with the same name in English and Chinese as the elder daughter of Li Zhanshu, now the No. 3 leader in China. Those documents were part of an internal inquiry stemming from an investigation by the Securities and Exchange Commission into the bank’s politically connected hires.

 
A well-connected businessman and an associate have confirmed that the Ms. Li who is an executive at China Construction Bank International is the daughter of Li Zhanshu, as does a biography of the official written by Cheng Li, an expert on elite Chinese politics at the Brookings Institution.
 
The rest of her résumé can be pieced together through news snippets and archived web pages. They showed how Ms. Li has strengthened her ties to the city in ways that position her well for a political career in the mainland.
 
She joined networks like the Hua Jing Society in Hong Kong that provide a forum for princelings to meet the children of Hong Kong’s tycoons and political class.
 
In 2013, she and other Hong Kong representatives of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, or C.P.P.C.C., a party-run political advisory group, helped organize relief funds for a village. Two years later, she visited farmers and carried toddlers in the same province to promote the United Front Work Department, a party unit that develops overseas political networks.
 
Ms. Li is now the chairwoman of China Construction Bank International, the investment arm of a major state lender, according to corporate records in Beijing. Ms. Li, her partner and the bank have not responded to multiple requests for comment from The Times.
 
“There is often an assumption that simply being well connected is enough to get ahead in Chinese politics,” said Rana Mitter, a professor of Chinese history and politics at Oxford University, who did not comment specifically about Ms. Li. “Actually, there is still a great deal of interest in candidates proving themselves for higher office in institutions such as the Communist Youth League and the C.P.P.C.C.”

She bought the waterfront townhouse overlooking Stanley Beach through Century Joy Holdings Ltd., a company registered in Hong Kong and incorporated in the British Virgin Islands, for $15 million in 2013, according to a document filed with the city’s land registry.
 
Ms. Li, then 30, was the Hong Kong entity’s sole director. That entity was dissolved in October, hours after The Times contacted Ms. Li for comment ahead of the publication of the article about Deutsche Bank’s hires in China.
 
Her partner, a 35-year-old Chinese-born Singaporean businessman, Chua Hwa Por, has used a similar strategy.

He was named as the sole beneficiary of a firm registered in the British Virgin Islands, according to the Panama Papers, a 2016 leak of confidential documents that exposed how prominent business leaders and politicians might have used shell companies and offshore bank accounts to evade taxes. Mr. Chua uses a variety of addresses and several identification numbers, but he can be tied to Ms. Li, the properties and the companies through his Singaporean identity number.
 
The nature of Ms. Li’s relationship with Mr. Chua is unclear, but they own a company together and have used the same home addresses in documents they have filed with Hong Kong’s property and company registries. Hong Kong news reports have speculated that the couple were married.

That year, he also started to make a number of major purchases, according to filings with the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. He took over Tai United, a little-known investment company listed in Hong Kong, using it to buy trophy assets including a large stake in the Peninsula Hotel and the 79th floor of an iconic skyscraper.
 
In July 2017, barely five months after he was appointed chairman of Tai United, Mr. Chua resigned from the company. He stepped down shortly after Next Magazine, a Hong Kong news outlet owned by the pro-democracy tycoon Jimmy Lai, reported on the purchases and his possible ties to Mr. Li, the senior Chinese official. (The publisher, Mr. Lai, was arrested this week, accused of national security and other offenses.)
 
Mr. Li, the official, was at the time poised for a promotion to the Politburo Standing Committee, the apex of party power, and even the whiff of corruption in his family would have been potentially damaging. In January the next year, Mr. Chua sold the bulk of his stake in Tai United.
 
Without public disclosure of the wealth of officials and their relatives, it is impossible to know how Mr. Chua and Ms. Li obtained their income. There are legitimate reasons for people to own companies offshore, and it is also not illegal for Chinese citizens to do so.
 
Shirley Yam, a prominent financial writer in Hong Kong, also raised questions about the couple’s financial dealings in a 2017 column in The South China Morning Post, a local newspaper owned by Jack Ma, one of China’s richest tech tycoons.

But if there was fallout from the disclosure, Mr. Li most likely emerged unscathed; in October 2017, he was elevated to the party’s powerful standing committee.
 
Since then, Mr. Chua has largely shied away from the public eye. But he and Ms. Li remain joint owners of a company called Chua & Li Membership. In annual filings with the government, both had listed the $15 million beach house as their residence until earlier this year, when Ms. Li changed her address to an apartment owned by Mr. Chua on the 60th floor of an exclusive property.
 
Ms. Li made a rare public appearance in April 2019, attending an event that now seems to have foreshadowed Hong Kong’s current fate.
 
She applauded alongside the Hong Kong leader, Mrs. Lam, at the opening of a government-backed exhibition promoting national security for Hong Kong, a promotional video for the event showed. Other special guests included the deputy commander of the People’s Liberation Army in Hong Kong and the directors of the highest offices representing mainland authorities in Hong Kong.
 
Shields and bulletproof vests hung on walls as members of the Hong Kong Army Cadets Association — a youth group supported by the government and the People’s Liberation Army — were taken on a tour of the exhibition.
 
Fourteen months later, Beijing imposed the national security law on Hong Kong.
 
Three top leaders of China’s Communist Party have relatives who own assets in Hong Kong, including more than $51 million in luxury real estate, a New York Times investigation shows.
New York Times )


 












香港作為中國共產黨, 第三號領導人物的長女,栗潛心在香港悄悄打造出一種橫跨這座城市金融精英和中國政治隱秘世界的生活。
 
多年來,透過以給官員子女鋪路著稱的香港和大陸職場人士俱樂部,她與國企高管們談笑風生。她是中國的省級政治顧問團體的香港代表。她還是一家總部位於香港的國有投資銀行的主席,該銀行長期以來一直與中國高層官員的親屬做生意。
 
栗潛心現年38歲,在這座城市也有著深厚的財力基礎,購買了一幢價值1500萬美元的四層海景聯排別墅。她的伴侶擁有一匹現已退役的賽馬,並斥資數億入股赫赫有名的半島酒店,後來已將股份出售。
 
栗潛心及其他共產黨權貴與香港社會和金融體系密不可分,他們將這個前英國殖民地更緊密地與大陸聯繫了起來。通過建立盟友,將自己的資金投入香港房地產,中國的高層領導人已經將自己的命運與這座城市牢牢捆綁在一起。
 
隨著中國共產黨在管理香港方面採取更為強硬的立場,北京高層在政治和個人方面都有著既得利益。栗潛心的父親栗戰書負責新的港區國家安全法的迅速通過,這部法律為中國共產黨壓制異見提供了一個強大的新武器。
 
通過阻止抗議活動,該法可以保護中共領導人的親屬。抗議活動對經濟造成了嚴重破壞,拉低外界對這個地區的商業信心,讓這群人的處境岌岌可危,或者讓他們受到制裁。
 
新國安法已經引發了來自外國的指責,可能對香港進入全球金融市場的途徑構成威脅。川普政府上週五對香港行政長官林鄭月娥以及其他10名香港和大陸的高級官員實施制裁,指責這些人限制了香港的自由。
 
「中國紅色貴族的成員包括那些已經在香港做出巨額投資的『太子黨』,」香港中文大學中國研究兼職教授林和立說。「如果香港突然失去其金融地位,他們就不能把錢放在這裡了。」
 
中共領導層在香港的主要敞口之一是房地產。一項《紐約時報》調查顯示,包括栗潛心在內,中共四位高層領導人中的三位有親屬近年在香港購買了奢華住宅,共計價值超過5100萬美元。
習近平外甥女張燕南名下位於香港淺水灣的別墅。
習近平外甥女張燕南名下位於香港淺水灣的別墅。 Eric Rechsteiner for The New York Times

香港物業記錄顯示,早在1991年,中國國家主席習近平的姐姐齊橋橋就開始在香港購買房地產。香港產業和公司記錄顯示,她的女兒張燕南擁有淺水灣的一座別墅,於2009年以1930萬美元購得。此外,張燕南還擁有至少五間公寓。
 
據香港物業記錄顯示,前德意志銀行高管、中共第四號人物汪洋的女兒汪溪沙於2010年在香港購買了一處200萬美元的住宅。
 
對於許多領導人的親屬異常富有這件事,共產黨長期以來一直諱莫如深,他們明白這種財富積累可能會被視為權貴階層濫用特權,謀取個人利益。在香港,「太子黨」的存在可能會進一步煽起對北京的憎惡這一點,中共也十分注意。
 
與許多高層中國官員的親屬一樣,栗潛心行事低調。
 
在大陸,由中共控制的新聞媒體鮮少提及栗戰書的家庭,並且社群媒體網站上對其女的搜索結果寥寥。探訪栗戰書位於河北省南溝庄的故鄉,也沒有得到多少關於其子女的信息。
但德國《南德意志報》得到的德意志銀行內部文件(《紐約時報》在去年年底查閱了該文件)提到了一位與中國的三號領導人栗戰書長女的中英文姓名一樣的女性。這些文件是證交會對該行有政治背景的員工所做的內部調查的一部分。
 
在一份列出了建銀國際(China Construction Bank International)董事的香港公司記錄中,栗潛心使用的香港身份證號碼,與這處濱海房產以及她跟合伙人共同擁有的一家公司的相關記錄中所使用的號碼相同。
 
一位人脈深厚的商人和一名與她有往來的人士證實,建銀國際栗姓高管就是栗戰書的女兒,由布魯金斯學會(Brookings Institution)研究中國政治精英的專家李成撰寫的一篇栗戰書生平簡介也這麼認為。
 
她的簡歷的其他部分,可以通過新聞片段和存檔的網頁拼湊起來。從中可以看到栗潛心如何加強與這座城市的聯繫,從而為自己在內地的政治生涯奠定良好的基礎。
她加入了香港華菁會等團體,這些機構為中共太子黨與香港富豪和政治階層的子女提供了接觸的平台。
 
2013年,她和中國人民政治協商會議的其他香港代表為一個村莊籌集救災資金。兩年後,她到該省探訪農民,還抱起年幼的孩童,為統戰部做宣傳。該部是中共從事海外政治人脈發展的機構。
 
根據在北京查到的企業記錄,栗潛心現為建銀國際董事長,該公司是中國一家大型國有銀行旗下的投行。她和她的合伙人以及銀行方面都沒有回應《紐約時報》多次發出的置評請求。
「大家往往認為,只要有深厚的人脈,就足以在中國政壇取得成功,」牛津大學的中國歷史和政治教授拉納·米特(Rana Mitter)說。「其實,還是有很多人有意在共青團和政協這樣的機構證明自己,以謀求更高職位。」
 
通過對提交給香港有關部門的公司和財產文件所做的評估發現,與中共精英的許多其他成員一樣,她也積累了大量財富。栗潛心還在利用一個深受世界精英歡迎的避稅天堂。
赤柱正灘。2013年,一位中國共產黨領導人的女兒栗潛心就是在這裡以1500萬美元買下一幢聯排別墅。
赤柱正灘。2013年,一位中國共產黨領導人的女兒栗潛心就是在這裡以1500萬美元買下一幢聯排別墅。 Marcel Lam for The New York Times

提交給香港土地註冊處的一份文件顯示,2013年,她通過在香港註冊、在英屬維爾京群島成立的世喜控股有限公司(Century Joy Holdings Ltd.),以1500萬美元的價格買下了這棟俯瞰赤柱灘的海濱聯排別墅。
 
當時30歲的栗潛心是該香港實體的唯一董事。去年10月《紐約時報》在有關德意志銀行在華招聘員工的文章發表前聯繫栗潛心置評,這家公司在幾小時後解散。

link: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/12/business/china-hong-kong-elite.html
 
 

2020年8月9日 星期日

之之投資有道,豪宅賞雙彩虹

關之琳半山逾億元豪宅賞雙彩虹 之之投資有道身家至少5億

「大美人」關之琳(之之)雖淡出幕前多年,但其美貌依然令不少人難忘。關之琳自15年宣布跟台灣富商陳泰銘離婚,回復單身的之之樂於享受人生,而投資有道的關之琳,多年來藉物業買賣成為富婆,近日之之在社交平台發布家中欣賞日落照片,更罕有曝光其億萬豪宅。

關之琳除投資物業市場,近年亦投入搞時裝生意,早前便與Moiselle太子爺陳柏熹合作推出品牌,向商界女強人邁進。


關之琳在家中看彩虹,曝光億元豪宅。(取自IG) 
    ▲ 關之琳在家中看彩虹,曝光億元豪宅。(取自IG)

關之琳半山豪宅享開揚靚景
因為近日疫情令生意暫停下來的之之,昨日留在豪宅家中,抱著愛犬欣賞雨後風景出現雙彩虹美景,她還在IG發布照片,留言「「無所事事」。

之之亦在IG貼出一張雙彩虹的圖片,用英文留言:「What a lucky sign for HK」。相中可見關之琳在家中嘆茶看雙彩虹,客廳大窗可望俯瞰半山的美景,相信她正身其億元豪宅享受寧靜生活。

之之展示家中看到的雙彩虹。(取自IG)
之之展示家中看到的雙彩虹。(取自IG)
 
之之曾於2017年以近1.9億元,購入中半山老牌豪宅地利根德閣及灣仔星域軒單位,並花了一年時間裝修,用作自住和投資。

她並在IG發布相片,應屬位處半山的地利根德閣。

該物業佔地3,000呎,可擁180度無敵景觀飽覽維港靚景,關之琳用了1年時間裝修,並參與室內設計。

過去雖甚少將家居曝光,但關之琳曾讓傳媒拍攝豪宅,家中除有落地大玻璃飽覽海景,另外又把三間房打通成開闊的化妝間和衣帽間,她更指每處的燈光色調都是請風水大師設計,極盡奢華。

Link: https://topick.hket.com/article/2673041/

 

2020年8月7日 星期五

Pursuit of freedom and democracy


Treasury Sanctions Individuals for Undermining Hong Kong’s Autonomy

WASHINGTON – Today, the Department of the Treasury imposed sanctions on 11 individuals for undermining Hong Kong’s autonomy and restricting the freedom of expression or assembly of the citizens of Hong Kong.

These actions were taken pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13936, “The President’s Executive Order on Hong Kong Normalization,” which President Trump issued on July 14, 2020. E.O. 13936 declares a national emergency with respect to the situation in Hong Kong, including recent actions taken by the People’s Republic of China to fundamentally undermine Hong Kong's autonomy and democratic processes, and provides for the imposition of sanctions on actors engaged in these malign activities. E.O. 13936 also builds on and implements provisions of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019 and the Hong Kong Autonomy Act of 2020.

The recent imposition of draconian national security legislation on Hong Kong has not only undermined Hong Kong’s autonomy, it has also infringed on the rights of people in Hong Kong, allowing mainland China’s security services to operate with impunity in the region, mandating “national security education” in Hong Kong schools, undermining the rule of law, and setting the groundwork for censorship of any individuals or outlets that are deemed unfriendly to China.

Today, Treasury is sanctioning Carrie Lam, Chris Tang, Stephen Lo, John Lee Ka-chiu, Teresa Cheng, Erick Tsang, Xia Baolong, Zhang Xiaoming, Luo Huining, Zheng Yanxiong, and Eric Chan.
“The United States stands with the people of Hong Kong and we will use our tools and authorities to target those undermining their autonomy,” said Secretary of the Treasury Steven T. Mnuchin.

Carrie Lam, Chief Executive, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR)
Carrie Lam is the chief executive directly responsible for implementing Beijing’s policies of suppression of freedom and democratic processes. In 2019, Lam pushed for an update to Hong Kong’s extradition arrangements to allow for extradition to the mainland, setting off a series of massive opposition demonstrations in Hong Kong. Lam is designated for being involved in developing, adopting, or implementing the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (National Security Law).

Chris Tang, Commissioner of Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF)
Chris Tang, as the Commissioner of the HKPF, has enthusiastically supported the Hong Kong National Security Law. The HKPF besieged Hong Kong Polytechnic under his leadership, along with arresting hundreds of protestors. Chris Tang also sits upon the newly established Committee for Safeguarding National Security. He is designated for coercing, arresting, detaining, or imprisoning individuals under the authority of the National Security Law.

Stephen Lo, Former Commissioner of HKPF
Stephen Lo was the previous commissioner of the HKPF until 2019. Under his leadership, over 4,000 protestors were arrested and 1,600 injured in clashes. Stephen Lo is designated as a leader or official of a government entity whose members have engaged in activities to prohibit, limit, or penalize the exercise of freedom of expression or assembly in Hong Kong.

John Lee Ka-chiu, HKSAR Secretary for Security
John Lee Ka-chiu is the Secretary for Security in Hong Kong, where his office is responsible for all security-related policies. John Lee Ka-chiu is also a member of the Executive Council of the HKSAR government, an organ for assisting the Chief Executive in policy-making, and has introduced a new police unit dedicated to enforcing the Hong Kong National Security Law which will have intelligence gathering and investigation capabilities. He is designated for being involved in coercing, arresting, detaining, or imprisoning individuals under the authority of the National Security Law, as well as being involved in its development, adoption, or implementation.

Teresa Cheng, HKSAR Secretary for Justice
Teresa Cheng is the Secretary for Justice for Hong Kong. As head of the Hong Kong Department of Justice, Teresa Cheng has said that her major responsibility is implementing and safeguarding national security in the HKSAR. She is designated for being responsible or involved in developing, adopting, or implementing the National Security Law.

Erick Tsang, HKSAR Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs
In April, Erick Tsang assumed the post of Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland affairs, the office that maintains relations between the HKSAR government and mainland Chinese government. He is designated for being responsible for or involved in developing, adopting, or implementing the National Security Law.

Xia Baolong, Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council
In February 2020, Xia Baolong was announced as the newest Director for the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, an organization within the State Council designed to assist the premier in dealing with affairs related to Hong Kong and Macao. The Office has stated that it is entitled to supervise affairs in Hong Kong, including implementation of the Basic Law of the HKSAR. Xia Baolong is designated for being a leader or official of a government entity that has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, stability, or autonomy of Hong Kong.

Zhang Xiaoming, Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council
Zhang Xiaoming is former Director and current Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, where he is in charge of daily operations. As Director, he backed the controversial 2019 Hong Kong extradition bill. He is designated for being a leader or official of a government entity that has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, stability, or autonomy of Hong Kong.

Luo Huining, Director of the Hong Kong Liaison Office
Luo Huining is mainland China’s top official in Hong Kong, as the Director of the Hong Kong Liaison Office. The Liaison Office has claimed that it is entitled to intervene in Hong Kong affairs despite the Basic Law’s prohibition on interference in the affairs which the HKSAR administers in accordance with the Basic Law. Luo Huining is also a National Security Advisor to the Committee for Safeguarding National Security in Hong Kong. He is designated for being a leader or official of a government entity that has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, stability, or autonomy of Hong Kong.

Zheng Yanxiong, Director, Office for Safeguarding National Security in Hong Kong
Zheng Yanxiong is the inaugural director of the newly created Office for Safeguarding National Security in Hong Kong. The Office was established under the Hong Kong National Security Law and has broad powers to supervise local authorities and directly investigate major cases. As the Office’s Director, Zheng Yanxiong is designated for being a leader or official of a government entity that has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, stability, or autonomy of Hong Kong.

Eric Chan, Secretary General, Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the HKSAR
Eric Chan, the director of the Chief Executive Office, was appointed by Beijing to be the Secretary General of the Committee for Safeguarding National Security as recently established by the Hong Kong National Security Law. The Committee’s work is not to be made public and its decisions are not subject to judicial review. As such, Eric Chan is designated for being responsible for or involved in developing, adopting, or implementing the National Security Law.

The United States stands with the people of Hong Kong in their ongoing pursuit of freedom and democracy. The 11 individuals designated today have implemented policies directly aimed at curbing freedom of expression and assembly, and democratic processes, and are subsequently responsible for the degradation of Hong Kong’s autonomy. The United States will use the authorities in the Executive Order to continue to pursue those that implement these nefarious policies.
Sanctions Implications

As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the individuals named above, and of any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by them, individually, or with other blocked persons, that are in the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons.

The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods or services from any such person. More information on the entities designated today.

####

“Under Souleymane’s leadership, the 3R militia committed brutal atrocities against innocent civilians,” said Deputy Secretary Justin G. Muzinich. “The United States will continue to aggressively use its tools and authorities to target and expose human rights abusers, wherever they are.”

OFAC designated Souleymane pursuant to E.O. 13667 for being responsible for the targeting of women, children, or any civilians through the commission of acts of violence (including killing, maiming, torture, or rape or other sexual violence), abduction, forced displacement, or attacks on schools, hospitals, religious sites, or locations where civilians are seeking refuge, or through conduct that would constitute a serious abuse or violation of human rights or a violation of international humanitarian law.
 
Source: https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm1088

2018年9月1日 星期六

大灣區買度假樓 升值潛力也可觀




眼見近日香港社會混亂,筆者心情低落,不想看新聞、不想看社交平台,但無奈身邊總有人討論政治,避無可避。筆者始終覺得,時下年青人獲取國情資訊的渠道仍然不多,甚至很多傳媒對中國的報道也只愛報憂不報喜,總是將一些壞消息大肆宣揚,導致港人對祖國產生誤解甚至隔閡,難以作出中肯定位。


筆者在內地搞生意、做投資已有廿多年,對國家的好與壞也親身體歷過。猶記得最初返內地經商時,筆者也會帶同太太一起前往,好讓她了解更多國家發展、了解我在內地的生活,從而支持我的投資決定;更可況,到內地做生意自不然要動用家中資金,基於夫妻間的互相尊重,筆者也希望得到太太的信任和支持。

後來筆者有了小朋友,也希望帶他們到內地增廣見聞。記得他們還是五、六歲,每逢周末,最愛去的就是廣州長隆野生動物世界,由於我們安排的是兩天一夜行程,早上遊動物園,晚上看馬戲,所以我們也多入住附近的祈福新村度假村,裡面除了大型會所和水上樂園外,還有一個農莊可以讓小朋友一嘗種菜、餵魚滋味,且鄰近食街,匯聚不同美食,小朋友最愛就是到「四海一家」吃自助餐,那裡地方比香港的酒店大十倍有多,食物種類更是琳琅滿目,一進去已食指大動。

看好內地發展加上小朋友喜歡來這邊遊玩,結果筆者於2003年,用了20多萬買入祈福新村一間800呎左右的單位。另外,由於深圳歡樂谷也是當時我常帶小朋友去的玩樂地,我再於2005年以400多萬買了天鵝堡一套頂層複式單位,那裡可遠眺歡樂谷,且鄰近世界之窗、香蜜湖等旅遊景點。雖然當時筆者投資天鵝堡這套物業是作純投資用途,但即使不考慮升值因素,也可給家人作度假之用。

而回顧上述這兩項投資,也算得上相當成功。先說祈福新村這套物業,筆者其後成功以100多萬元賣出;要是這物業繼續持有至今,更可升值至200多萬呢!至於天鵝堡,筆者則以1,200萬賣出,獲利甚豐。這亦證明在國內投資物業作度假用途,升值回報是相當可觀的。

說到這裡,相信有不少讀者如我一樣,打算購買物業作度假用途,但筆者認為,珠海將是繼廣州番禺、深圳後另一個投資理想地,

https://www.singtaoopo.com/specialist/professionalstars/stephen-sum/




https://youtu.be/mtZM_Q2Vw2U

2016年1月18日 星期一

陳茂波出身清貧一圓司長夢 局長任內捲入多宗醜聞惹爭議


中央正式任命陳茂波出任財政司司長,接替已辭任的曾俊華。陳茂波出生於貧苦家庭,多年來憑著努力,在社會逐步爬向權力階梯,在2008年展開從政之路,晉身立法會,並在2012年加盟港府出任發展局局長,惟任內捲入多宗利益衝突醜聞,為其任命帶來不少爭議。
 
出生貧苦家庭 曾接受培幼會助養
陳茂波幼時居住於石硤尾南山邨木屋區,6歲獲國際培幼會安排一名美國軍隊中尉助養兩年,每月獲三十元支付學費和生活費,其後全家遷居廉租屋,生活得到改善,才停止接受資助。
雖然生活艱苦,但陳茂波沒有放棄自己,年輕時就讀天主教培聖中學,並在1977年於中文大學考獲會計學士學位畢業。投身社會後,他曾任職稅務局助理評稅主任及建造業訓練局會計主任兼秘書長,並一邊工作、一邊攻讀中文大學工商管理碩士學位。可是,陳的母親在他攻讀碩士期間確診患上腦癌,接受電療9個月後便撒手塵寰。陳早年接受傳媒專訪時,談起母親仍難掩傷痛:
 
喪母之痛過後,陳轉任新昌集團董事及公司秘書,繼續在事業上拼博,不但創辦了陳茂波合夥會計師行,2006年還出任香港會計師公會會長,並在2008年成功當選立法會會計界功能界別的議員,展開了從政之路。
 
陳茂波仕途的另一轉折位,是與他關係密切的梁振英爆冷擊敗唐英年當上特首。政圈流傳,梁振英當年建議由陳茂波取代曾俊華任財爺,惟遭北京打回頭,後又提出架構重組,由「三司十二局」改為「五司十四局」,在政務司及財政司以下各增一名副司長,被視為陳茂波度身訂造,惟最終又因泛民拉布而觸礁。不過,陳茂波的仕途並未因此而斷絕,梁班子上場後不後,時任發展局局長麥齊光即爆出涉嫌在1980年代不誠實申請領取房屋津貼而被廉政公署拘捕,麥齊光最終辭職,陳茂波「冷手執個熱煎堆」,接任成為發展局局長。
 
接連爆囤地、僭建醜聞致民望低走
不過,陳茂波出任發展局局長後的第二天,即被報章揭發他在1994年和1995年間,透過當時任職董事的景捷發展有限公司購入多個大角咀單位作「劏房」出租牟利,涉嫌違反《建築物條例》,被譏為「劏房波」,陳辯稱他買入的單位只有「板間房」而不是「劏房」,引來社會批評。其後,陳又被揭發其妻子許步明旗下的景捷發展,涉嫌與田生集團合謀隱瞞買賣的大角咀一個住宅單位近六成樓價,結果令其少交數十萬元利得稅,被指有避稅之嫌。
除了被指以劏房牟利及涉嫌避稅以外,陳茂波主理的新界東北發展計劃亦掀起極大爭議,最終政府決定按原定計劃拓展新市鎮,其後又被揭發其妻許步明及家人在古洞北發展區擁有最少三幅農地,由陳茂波於1994年以35萬元親自買入,政府收地時估計可坐收1,245萬元賠償,因此他涉嫌在處理新界東北發展計劃時沒有申報利益,社會上不乏要求他下台的聲音,批評他沒有誠信。
 
雖然接連爆出負面新聞,但無損梁振英對他的信任,隨著今日曾俊華辭任財政司司長,梁振英有機會捧陳茂波坐上財爺之位,四年前沒有達成的計劃,今日終於達成。
一躍成為財政司司長的陳茂波,早年屬資深物業投資者,農地、舊樓、商廈均曾沾手,他於從政前,將手上的物業轉到親人手中。陳名下公司曾以市價的六折,於2007年初向其外甥女出售大角咀唐樓單位,2015年獲恒基地產以近800萬元收購,而此外甥女現時是陳茂波簽約新界東北囤積農地公司的董事。
 
埋單計數,陳茂波自2012年7月30日擔任發展局局長以來,家人出售物業已套現超過1,276萬元,日後,陳茂波任內拍板的新界東北發展計劃開始收地,他的家族可再多1,552萬元落袋,扣除成本,共勁賺2,500萬元。從2012年開始擔任發展局局長,手握土地規劃、市區重建等大權,但上任以來爭議不斷,曾被傳媒揭發他在新界東北囤地、與太太經營劏房等,巴拿馬和巴哈馬解密文件更揭發他就任局長前12日轉移資產。
 
陳茂波家族成員90年代起在大舉搜購物業,再發現與他關聯的唐樓交易。根據土地註冊處記錄,陳茂波出任首任董事的貫日國際有限公司(Sunlit International Company Limited),在1997年4月,以89萬元購入大角咀道45號5字樓一個實用面積705平方呎的唐樓單位。
 
當時貫日的董事包括陳茂波和太太許步明,以及許步明姐夫區長城的兄弟區長善,公司股東為英屬處女島(BVI)離岸公司「Excellent Assets Limited」和「Orient Express Holdings」。根據巴拿馬和巴哈馬解密文件,上述兩家離岸公司仍擔任陳茂波家族相關公司的董事或股東。
到2007年2月,貫日再以98萬元將單位出售予陳茂波的外甥女區紹恩,貫日的註冊地址是陳茂波自住的禮頓山住宅。其實於這宗交易的半年前,即2006年8月,同座同面積的1樓單位成交價已達125萬元,計算樓價指數升幅和層數後,即貫日的售價至少低市價40%。另外,陳茂波在2005年不再擔任貫日董事,2009年陳茂波胞弟陳劍波出任股東兼董事,直至公司在同年解散,但公司登記地址自2003年起,一直為陳茂波在禮頓山的住址。
 
Link: /www.hk01.com/

陳茂波轉售大角咀唐樓時間表
Chart

議員質疑外甥女為信託人
2015年1月,區紹恩以789.6萬元出售該單位予廣源發展有限公司,公司董事為羅泰安和禢寶華,二人多次為恒基、田生等地產商收舊樓。恒基年報顯示,已收購該幢樓八成以上業權。若以陳茂波家族從1997年購入到2015年出售單位計算,共獲利700萬元。該單位現已荒廢,同一棟大廈亦有多個單位空置,有居民指有發展商已在大廈「落釘」,希望重建。該大廈距離港鐵奧運站僅兩分鐘路程,附近亦有多個豪宅屋苑。
 
會計界立法會議員梁繼昌指,陳茂波公司把單位六折出售至外甥女的折讓不算太大,但有可能是外甥女代局長或其他親戚持有物業,區紹恩可能只是炒賣物業的信託人。但陳茂波透過新聞秘書否認,強調並無有關單位權益。
 
曾被揭經營劏房、持有古洞農地
陳茂波多次被揭發利用空殼公司持地、由離岸公司出任股東。2012年,陳茂波上任局長後第二日,傳媒揭發他與太太透過公司「景捷」持有大角咀及佐敦的多個劏房單位,二人堅稱對物業變劏房不知情,把責任推卸至公司另一股東,但之後傳媒再發現另一股東實為許步明姐夫區長城。
 
2013年,陳茂波再被揭發持有古洞近15,000平方呎農地,正正位於陳茂波負責推銷的新界東北發展計劃中,與新發展區擬建的古洞鐵路站僅數十米之隔。農地由陳茂波購入,之後透過「國萬實業」持有,傳媒揭發後,許步明曾聲明已把農地股份按市價售予胞弟許嘉麟,現時國萬的董事為許嘉麟和區紹恩,股東為許嘉麟(許步明胞弟)、區長城(許步明姐夫)和馬靜嫻(許步明弟婦)。
 
上任局長後家族成員套現逾千二萬
埋單計數,陳茂波自2012年上任發展局局長後,家族成員買賣物業至少套現1,276萬元。另外,陳茂波任內,城規會已通過新界東北發展計劃,並已按計劃更改法定圖則,意味該計劃已落實,另立法會在2014年通過3億元新界東北前期工程撥款,主要用於準備和勘探工作,當局希望工程於今年(2017年)全面啟動。計劃一旦啟動,政府將要收地,按最新農地特惠補償每呎1034.4元計算,陳茂波家族在兩三年內出售農地後,可再獲逾1,552萬元賠償(見表)。
 
陳茂波在2008至2012年擔任會計界立法會議員,期間曾接受訪問分享投資心得,指「投資舊樓成本不大,幾十萬元有交易,將單位翻新後租出,租金回報不俗,一般有8至9厘」,又曾表示「買賣舊樓可以刀仔鋸大松樹,平時收租回報有8至10%,遇到重建,隨時有3至4倍回報。」
 
陳茂波發言人: 物業與他及太太和子女無關
陳茂波透過新聞秘書回應指,區紹恩並非陳茂波的信託人,並無有關單位權益。陳茂波自2004年中起已不再是貫日的董事或股東,未能就之後的交易提供資料。發言人又指陳茂波已多番表明,他太太在2012年已把景捷和國萬的權益售予外家成員,因此出售大角咀和上海街物業所得、古洞地皮權益,均與陳茂波及太太和子女無關。
 
陳茂波上任後家族關聯公司出售物業表